Second, proposals that would have Iran surrender whatever uranium it has enriched in exchange for an equivalent amount of fully fabricated fresh reactor fuel will have to require Iran to give up nearly all of the uranium it has enriched to have any hope of success. Last fall, the United States and its key European allies, China, and Russia asked Iran to give up less than half of what Iran now has amassed in a swap for fresh reactor fuel. At the time, Tehran said no. Presumably, if we and the other negotiating states now ask Iran to give up most or all of its current stash of approximately 2,000 kilograms of low enriched uranium, its answer will be no different.
This poses a terrible dilemma, and it is sure to push the United States and the other negotiating parties down one of two difficult paths: The first would be to allow Iran to continue to enrich uranium under more frequent international inspections. The hope here would be to prevent Iran from enriching the uranium it has, which currently is only useful to fuel reactors, up to much higher levels that would only be useful to make bombs.
The reality, however, is that pushing this approach is pointless. Undercutting the Security Council's unanimous demand for a suspension of fuel-making activities and allowing a nuclear violator, such as Iran, to continue to make nuclear fuel would set a frightening precedent for Iran’s neighbors. Several of these states are already spooked by Iran and considering whether to try acquiring bombs by making their own nuclear fuel. If we gave Iran a green light now, it would only make blocking their future efforts much more difficult.
And even more important, the notion that we could get enough warning of a military diversion from Iran's fuel-making facilities to intervene and prevent the first weapon from being forged simply defies all we have learned from bitter experience. We would have only days, which is hardly sufficient time to intercede and block Iran from setting aside enough material for a bomb—and if Iran has covert fuel-making plants, our intense monitoring of their declared plants will be of little value.
What then are we left with to do? First, increase sanctions. Given North Korea’s extremely close ties with Iran, its nuclear-capable missile exports, its demonstrated willingness to trade in dangerous goods with outliers (e.g., with Iran, Burma, and Syria), and its likely continued development of nuclear weapons, it would be useful for America and other like-minded states to inspect all cargoes traveling from North Korea to Iran, and from Iran to North Korea. This might not prevent Iran's nuclear program from progressing, but it would slow the worst of illegitimate trade, help identify and isolate Iran and North Korea as nuclear violators, and serve as a useful example to other would-be bomb makers.
Next, while we may choose to talk with those we dislike, we ought to make it clear, as we did during the Cold War with the Soviets, just how much we dislike who we are talking with. Now that Iran has proceeded to the brink of nuclearization, it's far less likely that we could cut any sort of deal with the Iranian government, and it would be better to treat the Revolutionary Guard as if it is not long for this world. At a minimum, we need to warn ourselves and others that cutting deals with a government that does not trust its own people is highly unlikely to produce an agreement we ourselves can trust.
Being this candid, of course, risks worsening relations with the government of Iran. It could, however, increase our government’s credibility with the Iranian people, who ultimately must decide just how much of threat they want their country to pose against others. If we are serious about reducing the nuclear threat from Iran, we would do well to link arms with Iranian dissidents to encourage a more legitimate, popular government there to emerge. Certainly—in light of what we know technically about the advanced state of Iran’s nuclear program—this may be the most important measure and, at this late date, the only one that might matter.
Henry Sokolski is executive director of the Nonproliferation Policy Education Center in Washington and Greg S. Jones is an expert on uranium enrichment and nuclear nonproliferation based in Los Angeles.
For more TNR, become a fan on Facebook and follow us on Twitter.