It turns out the agency paid hackers to crack the iPhone used by the San Bernardino attackers. The revelation comes after the FBI abruptly announced it would not need Apple’s assistance in bypassing the phone’s security features after all.
The agency paid a one-time fee to a group of professional hackers who came to them with a workaround of a security measure that wipes any data if you try to bypass the user’s passcode too many times. According to The Washington Post, at least one of the hackers falls into a murky gray area between malicious hackers who steal people’s private information and so-called white hat hackers who help manufacturers find any security lapses.
Donald Trump is baiting the Freedom Caucus to shut down the government.
Trump’s last week in office was by far his worst yet—no small achievement, given that his first 65 days in office have been characterized by chaos, infighting, and incompetence. His failure to repeal and replace Obamacare means that he will most likely end his first 100 days in office with zero legislative achievements, despite Republicans controlling both the executive and legislative branches.
Trump’s response to the failure of Trumpcare was characteristically contradictory. On one hand, he signaled that he was ready to move on, that less than three weeks of health care debate was already too much, and that it was time to focus on tax reform. According to Politico, Trump was “less upset about the death of the health bill than he had been about the crowd size controversy at his inauguration.”
On the other hand, the White House spent the weekend playing the blame game (also: golf). And while Trump is clearly blaming everyone not named “Donald John Trump” for his failure, the House Freedom Caucus has emerged as the most public target of his wrath. He tweeted at them before the fateful non-vote:
And then again on Saturday after the bill had failed:
Hatred of the Freedom Caucus makes strange bedfellows. It was perhaps the only thing that ever brought Barack Obama and John Boehner together, however briefly. But by going to war with the Freedom Caucus—particularly by going to war with the Freedom Caucus over abortion—Trump is giving it ammunition in next month’s continuing resolution fight, which could shut down the government.
As Axios Presented By Koch Industries’ Jonathan Swan wrote over the weekend, “the conservative House Freedom Caucus—the group Trump blamed on Twitter this morning for killing his Obamacare replacement bill—will almost certainly make defunding the women’s health group and country’s biggest abortion provider a non-negotiable condition for it to support the government funding bill.” Trump’s attacks on the group for failing to defund Planned Parenthood in the Obamacare repeal will only further embolden them.
This is not, to put it mildly, the kind of move you’d predict from a supposed master negotiator, or from someone who has supposedly moved on to the next fight. Forget tax reform—the continuing resolution is most likely the Trump administration’s next big fight. And Trump is botching this one, too.
Democrats are stronger than they’ve been since the election. Now they need to not blow it.
Following the failure of the American Health Care Act last week, the Democratic Party and the progressive movement are better positioned politically than at any point since Donald Trump’s surprise victory in November. The post-inaugural protests were heartening, the Women’s March was inspiring, and the ongoing Russian revelations continue to damage Trump’s presidency. But it was only Friday, with the complete collapse of Republican governance on what should have been the ultimate unifying issue for the GOP, that proved Democrats in Washington are truly relevant again.
As Politico reported Monday morning, House Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi is particularly emboldened, poised to continue capitalizing off Republican divisions like Trump’s split with the hard-right Freedom Caucus. “The leader of the seemingly powerless House minority,” Politico’s Heather Caygle wrote, “might actually have some juice. ... The Democratic leader, known for her business-like manner, kicked off her heels on the Capitol grounds Friday, jumping up and down in her stocking feet with supporters.”
The challenge now, though, is for the party to wield its modest influence strategically—knowing when to shape the Republican agenda when possible and when to try to stop it in its tracks. In April, Democrats may find themselves in a tough spot: Congress will be charged with keeping the government open and raising the debt ceiling. But when it comes to tax reform, infrastructure spending, and certainly Trump’s signature wall on the Mexican border, the party should be ready to resist.
Keep in mind that Republicans aren’t talking about the kind of bipartisan tax reform former President Barack Obama used to float. The White House and House Speaker Paul Ryan are eying changes that would disproportionately benefit the wealthy, like abolishing the estate tax. And on infrastructure, Trump isn’t pushing for traditional public investment. He’s honed in on tax incentives for private companies—an approach doomed to fail since the whole problem with infrastructure is that there are simply some public goods the private sector doesn’t want to provide.
These are perfect opportunities for Democrats to hold their ground—and draw clear contrast with Republicans. The downside of this approach is getting blamed for obstruction, but as the Republicans proved during the Obama years it is usually the ruling party that gets blamed for inaction in Washington. Trump is already blaming Democrats for Republican incompetence, and progressives might as well thwart more of his plans in the process.
Jared Kushner’s “SWAT Team” to run government like a business reveals what he doesn’t know about government (and business).
The Count of Monte Cristo cosplayer was skiing when Trumpcare died—a good place to be, I suppose, given the fact that the Trump White House and Republican House of Representatives spent the weekend throwing blame around. But that doesn’t mean that Kushner is disengaging. Far from it. Only Kushner’s wife, Ivanka Trump, and maybe Steve Bannon can compete with Kushner’s influence in the presidential orbit.
Despite having no history of public service and a business record that’s entirely dependent on inherited wealth and inherited proximity to power, Kushner’s fingerprints are all over the White House’s domestic and foreign policy (Kushner is Trump’s point man for China, Mexico, Canada, and the Middle East). And he’ll add another helmet: Late Sunday The Washington Post reported that Kushner would lead The White House Office of American Innovation which is (emphasis added) “viewed internally as a SWAT team of strategic consultants.”
Uh huh. If you’re able to set aside the terrible and disturbing SWAT team metaphor, which you shouldn’t because it’s terrible, this is not a terrible idea in and of itself. The Obama administration started two startup-ish programs to bring digital innovation to the White House that have both made government programs more efficient without being disruptive—the US Digital Services and 18F. Neither of these programs, strangely, are mentioned in the Post’s report or by the White House, perhaps because it’s not entirely clear how Kushner’s SWAT Team will be different.
The Office of American Innovation seems to be an outgrowth of the Strategic Initiatives Group, which Kushner worked on with Bannon, who famously said that his goal is to “destroy the state.” So, while the USDS has worked tirelessly to improve the functioning of the VA and Medicare, it doesn’t necessarily follow that Kushner’s programs try to improve the functionality of government programs—on the right, after all, “efficiency” is often a euphemism for “cutting budgets and staff.” If Kushner really wanted to make the White House work efficiently, he might start by hiring people—key government offices are currently empty.
But the most revealing part of the Post piece about Kushner’s new role is this quote: “We should have excellence in government. The government should be run like a great American company. Our hope is that we can achieve successes and efficiencies for our customers, who are the citizens.” The idea that the government should be run like a company is not a new one—judging by Trump’s performance in his first nine weeks in office, it’s also not a good one. But this quote is revealing in that it has the relationship between government and the citizenry backwards: Citizens are not the government’s “customers,” they’re its bosses.
But Kushner has other things on his mind besides making the government function like Fuddruckers. On Monday morning, The New York Times reported that Kushner is the latest Trump White House official to have obscured meetings with Russians—he apparently met with Russian ambassador Sergey Kislyak twice, although the White House did not disclose those meetings. He’ll soon be taking a break from throwing flash grenades and kicking down doors in the federal government to testify before the Senate.
Donald Trump is hilariously trying to blame the Democrats for how badly he and Paul Ryan bungled Trumpcare.
Trumpcare went down in flames on Friday and Trump had only himself (and, to a very slightly lesser degree, Paul Ryan) to blame. Trump did a terrible job selling the public and whipping congressmen, showing that he had no understanding of how health care or Congress works. He completely screwed up negotiations with a number of parties by repeatedly and transparently bluffing. It was, moreover, never clear, at least to the public, why Trump and Ryan were pushing health care so fast and why there were doing so now, before tax reform or Trump’s proposed $1 trillion infrastructure package. Nothing about the American Health Care act made sense—not the content of the bill, not the timing, and not the series of dramatic escalations Trump made over over the past three weeks.
Its failure on Friday, though still shocking, was inevitable from the outset: This was a terrible bill being sold to a Republican Congress that has no idea what it means to be in the majority, by a president who has no idea how to govern. Which, of course, means that Donald Trump blamed the Democrats for the bill’s failure during a very strange press conference in which he was flanked by Tom Price and Mike Pence for some reason:
“We had no Democrat support. They weren’t going to give us a single vote so it’s a very difficult thing to do,” Trump said. “I’ve been saying for the last year and a half that the best thing we can do politically speaking is to let Obamacare explode—it’s exploding right now. ... What would be really good is—when it explodes—if the Democrats got together with us and did a real health care bill. I’d be totally open to it. I think the losers are Nancy Pelosi and Chuck Schumer. Because now they own it—they own Obamacare. 100 percent. They own health care. This is not a Republican health care. This is not anything but a Democrat health care.”
This is a very odd analysis of the situation. While it’s true that they had no Democratic support, Trump did not reach out to Democrats. More importantly, he and Ryan didn’t need to. The Republicans control the House: They should have been able to pass this bill with zero Democratic support. If they wanted to pass a bipartisan bill, as President Obama wanted to do with the Affordable Care Act in 2010, they could have reached out to negotiate. They didn’t.
That basic fact—that the Republicans are in control of the legislative branch as well as the executive branch—means that the rest of Trump’s statement is just as nutty. Because the Republican Party controls the government, they effectively own health care. They are the ones with the means to fix this system. That Trump is now actively rooting for Obamacare to fail only puts the burden of responsibility even more squarely on his shoulders.
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The American Health Care Act, aka Trumpcare, aka Ryancare, aka the worst goddamn bill in living memory, died today, 19 days after it first emerged from its cold womb in the Capitol. The House was scheduled to vote on the bill at 3:30 p.m. on Friday, even though it had been abundantly clear for hours that Speaker Paul Ryan did not have the votes. He told Donald Trump that the bill was cooked over an hour before the vote was scheduled, and looked like he got popped in the jaw in the process.
It’s still not entirely clear who pulled the bill. Trump claimed credit first:
But it is more likely that this was a defensive maneuver, meant to make it look like he was in control of a situation spiraling out of his control. Ryan and House Republicans likely decided not to go through with the politically damaging process of voting on a bill they knew would not pass.
Trump’s decision to take credit for folding the GOP’s cards, however, will have consequences. The supposed master of the deal will begin the next negotiation (and probably every negotiation thereafter) in a weakened position because of it. Trump’s one negotiating tactic for this bill was to bluff and bluff and then bluff some more, going so far as to force his fellow Republicans to vote on something they hate to punish them politically. That bluff has been taken off the table for future use.
Trump and House Republicans have indicated that they simply want to move on and use reconciliation, which they were planning to use for health care, on tax reform instead. But it’s hard to overstate just how badly both Trump and Ryan played this situation. Republicans still control both chambers of Congress, so it’s possible that they’ll be able to pull something together on tax reform. But this debacle has been incredibly damaging to both of them, to the relationship bewteen the White House and Congress, and to the Republican Party in general.
After seven years of screaming about Obamacare, they essentially came together as a party and endorsed it. This is an amazing fact, likely inexplicable to Republican voters who were expecting a swift repeal of a law that was supposedly destroying America. It’s possible that these clowns will take another shot at health care, but given how badly this played out, it seems unlikely, at least in the near future.
As Trumpcare swirls down the toilet bowl of history, it has become fashionable to suggest, wryly, that Paul Ryan’s Obamacare troubles vindicate former House Speaker John Boehner, who faced widespread criticism for his own legislative failures.
Boehner wasn’t any more to blame for Republican problems than anyone else who might lead the party, the thinking goes, and must revel in watching someone else deal with them.
Allow me to politely dissent from this conventional wisdom.
Boehner is an affable guy, and less ideologically stringent than Ryan, which lends him afterglow in this particularly cruel and chaotic moment. George W. Bush benefits from this kind of revisionism, too. But neither man deserves it.
Boehner blew just about every call of his speakership, whether he was trying to lever President Obama into signing conservative bills, or limit losses when Democrats were operating from strength. His biggest accomplishments were budget sequestration, which everyone hates, and a modest agreement he struck at the end of his career with Nancy Pelosi to fix Medicare’s physician reimbursement formula. Not only did he leave no legacy, but he left the political system in far shabbier shape than he found it.
It isn’t a huge leap to think there would be no President Trump had Boehner simply put the Senate’s comprehensive immigration reform bill on the House floor for a vote in 2013. He was widely applauded inside the beltway for mocking his own members, behind closed doors as a bunch of cowards, too scared to pass the bill they promised to pass…
…only to chickenshit out of forcing the issue himself.
The GOP’s current health care fiasco has its roots in Boehner’s unwillingness to insist that conservatives square their ambitions with reality. After Obama won re-election in 2012, Boehner sat down for a primetime interview and said, “Obamacare is the law of the land.” That was true! But within hours he’d allowed himself to be bullied into spending the rest of his speakership pretending repeal was still a viable option, essentially committing Republicans to a position that he knew would grow increasingly toxic as the ACA got implemented and more and more people began to enroll.
Boehner’s a great guy to have a drink with, and I’m sure he mows a mean lawn, but he’s entitled to no more absolution than any other powerful official who loses sight of the public interest.
Pictures of Trump signing things with white men, ranked.
The only thing Trump loves more than the Oval Office (which he likes to stare at) is signing things in the Oval Office surrounded mainly by white lads. Today, he authorized a permit to resume construction of the Keystone XL pipeline, and the photograph of this auspicious event joined a growing body of such primary documents. Here are the best photos (so far).
Trump’s EPA transition leader just blasted Ivanka and Rex Tillerson over climate policy.
Ever since Trump’s election, the Competitive Enterprise Institute’s Myron Ebell has been leading the charge to permanently hobble the Environmental Protection Agency. He formed a transition team for the agency that included some of the nation’s most prominent climate science deniers, and created a policy document that recommends withdrawing from the Paris Climate Agreement, defunding international climate programs, withdrawing regulations on carbon dioxide and methane emissions, and somehow reversing the Supreme Court’s ruling saying carbon dioxide should be considered a pollutant under the Clean Air Act.
But at a conference for climate science deniers on Friday, Ebell said there have been roadblocks to getting these things accomplished. “We do have a problem,” he said. “Swamp creatures are still there. They are trying to infiltrate the administration. And some of them are succeeding.”
Amazingly, Ebell said one of those “swamp creatures” is Secretary of State Rex Tillerson, the former CEO of oil giant ExxonMobil. Ebell blasted Tillerson for suggesting that the U.S. should remain a party to its international agreements to fight climate change, saying Tillerson just wants to “pal around” with diplomats on the subject. “Rex Tillerson may be from Texas, and he may have been CEO of Exxon, but he’s part of the swamp,” Ebell said.
Ebell also called out Trump’s daughter, Ivanka Trump, and her husband Jared Kushner, who have reportedly been trying to convince the president to not be so awful on climate policy. Perhaps realizing the perils of singling out his former boss’s daughter, Ebell was more restrained with that criticism. “I don’t know that they really want to be identified as swamp creatures, and I’m not willing to do so,” Ebell said. “But at some point it needs to be pointed out that the people who elected Donald J. Trump are not wealthy Manhattanites, including his children.”
The GOP’s frat boy comments about women’s health care are bad. They also highlight Obamacare’s weaknesses.
This week, the ghouls that run our country’s government have revealed a complete lack of understanding of how maternity care works. (Serious question: Do they know where babies come from?) The conservative Freedom Caucus has pushed to eliminate Obamacare’s requirement that insurance plans offered to individuals and small businesses cover “essential health benefits” (EHBs), a list of ten categories that includes preventative care and pregnancy, maternity, and newborn care.
When asked about cutting EHBs, Senator Pat Roberts reminded the world that he, as a man, does not need mammograms:
Then Sean Spicer told reporters that old men don’t need maternity care (despite the fact that his boss had Barron at the ripe old age of 59).
None of these comments are surprising. They are the same lines these man-children pulled when Democrats were trying to cover maternity care in the Affordable Care Act. They don’t seem to understand that a) pooling risks is how insurance works and b) we shouldn’t put the financial burden of having a child entirely on the mother.
But these statements, however sexist and dumb, also reveal a fundamental weakness of Obamacare. Our current health care system has to stretch individual plans in convoluted ways (such as EHBs) so that they can function as adequate coverage for a variety of conditions. This allows Republicans to continue to spew the rhetoric of “why do I have to pay for x, y, z if I don’t need it,” which is a logical way to think about commodities, but not about health care. The problem is that, as opposed to a single-payer system, health care under Obamacare is more easily cast as a product, instead of a right. It makes it easier for conservatives to undermine the societal goal of pooling risk.
Obamacare pulled us out of the wilderness when it came to women’s health and maternity care. Today, Mick Mulvaney, Trump’s budget director, said that pregnant women who want maternity care under their plan could just move to a state that mandates maternity coverage. But before the ACA, only nine states mandated maternity benefits. It’s clear that the GOP’s plan would be a disaster for women and that Republican simply don’t care. But their comments point to the way health care in this country could be strengthened.
Here’s the scenario in which Trumpcare doesn’t crash and burn.
Opponents of the American Health Care Act had cause for optimism Friday morning. After days of wrangling, House Republicans still appeared short of the votes they’d need to pass President Donald Trump’s slapdash replacement of the Affordable Care Act. Rodney Frelinghuysen, chairman of the Appopriations Committee, came out as a significant No vote.
But as defeat becomes a more palpable reality, circumstances may change. All Republicans need to do is pass a bill in the House—any bill—to get over the toughest hurdle. After that, Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell may totally rewrite it to make it more politically palatable for the Senate. MoveOn’s Ben Wikler has been tweeting as much:
Wikler’s assumption is that the House Freedom Caucus caves both later today and when the Senate sends back its McConnell-written bill. This is, needless to say, a large assumption. The question is whether these Republicans (and others) see their fate tied to Trump, in which case they will pass the bill, or feel that they are better off on their own—in which case it dies.