Win McNamee/Getty

Trump’s proposed budget is immoral. It’s also a brazen accounting scam.

Trump’s first proposed budget, which was unveiled on Monday, contains massive cuts to Medicaid that go far beyond the damage already proposed by the American Health Care Act—an additional $610 billion in cuts on top of the $880 billion proposed by House Republicans. It slashes the food stamp program by $190 billion, or 25 percent; the Temporary Assistance for Needy Families by $21 billion, or 10 percent; and the earned income tax credit by $40 billion. There are also substantial cuts to a number of crucial federal departments, including State, the EPA, Health and Human Services, Labor, and Housing and Urban Development. At the same time, it would effect a massive transfer of wealth from the poorest Americans to the richest.

Budgets, of course, are ultimately decided by Congress. But budget proposals are useful for two reasons: They show the president’s priorities and they also present a rubric for Congress. In this case, the wish list presented by OMB Director Mick Mulvaney is in line with what we’ve heard from Republicans for years, if not decades: that substantial cuts to the welfare state and to the federal government are needed and that tax policy should favor the wealthy.

So, while Congress’s budget will likely look different than Mulvaney and Trump’s proposal, it’s fair to say that congressional Republicans and the White House are in broad agreement about priorities. (That said, Trump’s unpopularity and the fact that this budget will certainly receive no support from Democrats will probably play a role in the final product.)

There’s another problem with Trump’s budget, however. It contains a massive accounting error. The Trump administration claims that the deficits its proposed budget will create will be offset by $2 trillion in economic growth. This is absurd and won’t happen, but it’s necessary for the budget math to work. But the Trump administration has already used that $2 trillion economic growth argument to account for the deficits that its proposed tax cuts would run. In other words, it is using the same magical, made-up number twice, to pay for two different projected deficits.

This reaffirms two things about Trump. The first is that, despite his campaign rhetoric, Trump is governing as a typical steal-from-the-poor-to-pay-the-rich Republican. The second is that this administration’s cynicism is only matched by its incompetence. Its Madoff-esque accounting tricks are so brazen that they would be laughable if they weren’t so horrific.

February 23, 2018

Chip Somodevilla/Getty

Trump’s CPAC speech was his new campaign slogan: “All I’ve done is keep my promises.”

On Friday morning, Axios’s Mike Allen argued that President Trump was stuck in the mud. The conflicts that define his presidency in February of 2018—fights over issues like trade, fights between staff members, the unending fight with the media—were all present exactly a year ago, in the early days of his presidency. “February 2018 is no different than February 2017,” Allen wrote.

Judging by the 77-minute speech that Trump gave at CPAC on Friday, it’s no different than February of 2016 either. Supporters chanted, “Lock her up.” Trump read from “The Snake,” and promised to build a wall. He re-litigated his feud with John McCain. He railed against the “crooked candidate” he ran against in 2016 and the “crooked media” that has been his primary foil. When he finally ended his speech, his 2016 campaign anthem, the Rolling Stones’ “You Can’t Always Get What You Want,” blared from the speakers.

There were some new additions, of course. In response to the school shooting in Parkland, Florida, Trump demanded that the government arm teachers and turn schools into fortresses to curb gun violence. “When we declare our schools to be gun-free zones, it just puts our students in far more danger,” Trump said. If school staff members in Parkland were armed, he said, “a teacher would’ve shot the hell out of [the shooter] before he even knew what happened.”

But for the most part, Trump was comfortably in campaign mode—ranting about Democrats, ranting about the Second Amendment, ranting about Hillary Clinton, ranting about the media. The main difference was that Trump is now touting the message he will use as he heads into 2020: that he has kept his promises.

Well, in classic Trump fashion keeping promises isn’t enough. Instead, Trump told the crowd that he had become the first president to ever fulfill more promises than he made, whatever that means. This beggars belief, given that Trump has broken a great deal of promises—according to Politifact he’s fulfilled only 9 percent of the pledges he made on the campaign trail in 2016. But this will be the message Trump carries into 2020: “All I’ve done is keep my promises.”

Michael Thomas/ Getty Images

Eric Greitens, Missouri’s scandal-plagued governor, isn’t going anywhere for now.

Greitens, the self-proclaimed law-and-order governor, is now studying law-and-order from the other side. A grand jury indicted Greitens on Thursday for taking and transmitting a nude photo of his mistress without her consent. If you thought that the Missouri GOP would ask him to resign, well, you’d be wrong:

Greitens denies the charge, preferring instead to blame the actions of a “reckless liberal prosecutor” for his current predicament. The state party appears to be in full fire-breathing mode, latching onto an increasingly popular, anti-Semitic urban legend about George Soros being some nefarious liberal puppetmaster.

With the party’s backing, it’s entirely possible that Greitens won’t face serious consequences. Donald Trump, after all, has been accused of sexual assault by 19 women and no Republicans are calling on him to step down.


Trump is now scapegoating a sheriff’s deputy for the Parkland massacre.

On Thursday, the Associated Press reported that the sheriff’s deputy who was on duty at Marjory Stoneman Douglass High School in Parkland, Florida, had resigned after it was revealed that he never entered the school during the Valentine’s Day massacre that left 17 dead. Instead, he apparently took up a position outside the school. Broward County Sheriff Scott Israel told reporters on Thursday that the deputy should have “[w]ent in. Addressed the killer. Killed the killer.” The deputy, Scot Peterson, resigned after being suspended without pay.

A day later, Donald Trump used the deputy’s inaction to push the case for more guns in schools. Speaking to reporters before heading to CPAC, Trump said Peterson was either a “coward” or “didn’t react properly under pressure.” Trump described Peterson’s failure to act as “a real shot to the police department” and said it “could have been prevented” if he had entered the school. “He certainly did a poor job, there’s no question about that.”

Peterson’s role has become something of an obsession for gun advocates. If Peterson had entered the school, they say, the massacre could have been prevented or the death toll could have been dramatically reduced. That’s possible! But the Peterson incident also makes the opposite case—that even people who are trained to respond to massacres react in unpredictable ways when those massacres are actually underway.

Rick Perry was asked at CPAC if Trump can really save coal. Perry dodged.

A joint Q&A session with the Department of Energy secretary and Interior Secretary Ryan Zinke kicked off day two of the conservative conference, and featured one telling exchange between Perry and the moderator, former Republican Congressman Bob Beauprez. “President Trump, candidate Trump, promised to end the war on coal,” Beauprez said, and turned to Perry. “Tell us what’s changed. Can coal really be competitive with cheap natural gas and relatively affordable oil? I know you haven’t stopped your effort to support research and development of renewables as well.”

Perry chose to focus his response on that last sentence—the effort to support renewables—and said that Trump “truly is an all of the above energy policy:”

Whether it’s the renewables, whether its the innovations we haven’t even seen yet. Clean coal technologies, the carbon capture utilization, sequestration—we’re exporting that around the world. We’re going into India, into China, with technologies where they’re going to use coal. We want them to use American technology that will allow the use of that in the most environmentally friendly way that can occur.

We’re seeing American LNG. We saw a major reduction in the state of Texas in the 2000s in nitrogen oxide, [sulfur dioxide]—the real emissions that affect the environment. We saw a reduction of 20 percent of CO2 in the 12th largest economy in the world by a transition over to natural gas, getting rid of older, inefficient plants, some other changes, and the greatest growth in wind energy in the United States occurred in my home state during that period of time. They produced more wind energy in Texas today than five countries.

That’s the type of energy policy that President Trump wants to see. All of the above, where we’re using our resources, we’re using American innovation, and we’re not just sitting there saying we’re going to regulate our way into Nirvana, because that is a fallacy.

Perry never answered the actual question: Can coal be cost-competitive with natural gas? Is Trump fulfilling his promise? A truthful answer would not be politically expedient. Coal plants continue to retire at a rapid rate, despite Trump’s attempts to revive the industry by repealing environmental regulations. “Troubling economics have proven difficult to overcome, with low wholesale power and natural gas prices being the main contributing factors squeezing margins,” read a February report from consulting firm S&P Global Marketplace Intelligence.

People living in coal communities genuinely believe that the industry is coming back, because people like Trump and Perry say it is. It is not. But what has come “storming back,” according to a Thursday report in The New York Times, is “a new black lung epidemic” in some of those communities.

February 22, 2018

Alex Wong/Getty Images

Mueller just put more pressure on two former Trump campaign officials.

The office of special counsel Robert Mueller unsealed a new indictment on Thursday against former Trump campaign manager Paul Manafort and his associate Rick Gates. The 32-count filing charges both men with multiple financial crimes related to political consulting work they did on behalf of pro-Russia political parties in Ukraine over the last 15 years.

None of the crimes involve either of the defendants’ tenures on the Trump campaign. However, the additional charges put Manafort and Gates in deeper peril of serving long prison sentences if they’re found guilty at trial. Legal experts theorized during the initial wave of indictments against the two men last October that Mueller deliberately undercharged Manafort and Gates. That would allow the special counsel’s team to pressure them into plea bargaining negotiations in hopes of receiving a lighter sentence.

Multiple news outlets reported that Mueller’s team was close to finalizing a plea deal with Gates, who served as Manafort’s deputy when Manafort ran the Trump campaign during the summer of 2016. The long business relationship between the two men likely would have made such a plea deal dangerous for Manafort, especially if Gates testified against his former associate in exchange for a lighter sentence. Whether Gates is still negotiating with the special counsel is unclear after Thursday’s charges. The Daily Beast reported that Gates had fired an attorney who’s known for striking plea deals.

In the new indictment, federal prosecutors accuse Manafort and Gates of evading U.S. tax laws by misrepresenting and not reporting tens of millions of dollars in income from their consulting work in Ukraine, using a series of loans from multiple overseas banks to cover their tracks. According to prosecutors, Manafort and Gates then used those funds to purchase high-end real estate in the U.S., which became collateral for tens of millions of dollars in loans from U.S. banks. Manafort allegedly received $30 million in laundered funds, while Gates took $3 million.

Thursday’s filings cap one of the busiest weeks yet for Mueller’s team, at least from what’s publicly discernable. The special counsel’s office secured a guilty plea on Tuesday from Alex van der Zwaan, a Dutch lawyer who once worked for a top U.S. law firm. In the plea, van der Zwaan admitted to lying to federal investigators about his conversations with Gates during the 2016 presidential election, some of which were recorded.

Chip Somodevilla / Staff

Trump: I didn’t say “arm teachers.” Also, we should arm teachers.

At an excruciating meeting with parents who have lost children in school shootings, Donald Trump put forward a proposal he believed would help prevent massacres: Give teachers guns. “It only works when you have people very adept at using firearms, of which you have many,” Trump said. “It would be teachers and coaches.” He added, “An attack has lasted, on average, about three minutes. It takes five to eight minutes for responders, for the police to come in, so the attack is over. If you had a teacher who was adept at firearms, they could very well end the attack very quickly.”

Arming teachers is a horrible idea. Increasing the number of firearms in schools would increase the odds of firearms being used in schools. It would add to the already palpable anxiety in American schools. And, in dangerous situations, even people who have been extensively trained with firearms do not perform very well, meaning that innocent people are likely to be hurt. Given these realities, Trump’s comments were met with shock.

On Thursday morning, Trump tried to clarify his thoughts about arming teachers.

Trump is basically just reiterating what he said at the meeting on Wednesday. He also is very much arguing in favor of arming teachers—hundreds of thousands of teachers, if he’s serious about the 20 percent number. He also is conveniently omitting that Stoneman High School, where 17 teenagers were killed last week, had an armed security guard.

Trump has been all over the place on gun control. But his basic plan for school safety is still more guns, which would inevitably mean more violence.

Joe Raedle/Getty Images

Teens may save us all yet.

At last night’s CNN town hall, teenage survivors of the Parkland shooting looked power in the face and held it accountable. They had tough questions for Senator Marco Rubio and the NRA’s Dana Loesch, neither of whom acquitted themselves particularly well. Via CNN:

The students-turned-gun-control advocates, their teachers and parents asked frank questions of Sens. Marco Rubio and Bill Nelson and Rep. Ted Deutch about whether they would support banning certain assault-style rifles and refuse to take money from the NRA. “We would like to know why do we have to be the ones to do this? Why do we have to speak out to the (state) Capitol? Why do we have to march on Washington, just to save innocent lives?” asked senior Ryan Deitsch, his voice rising with each question.

Asked directly by a survivor if he would refuse further donations from the NRA, Rubio dithered, saying only that “people buy into my agenda.” (Rubio has received an A+ rating from the NRA and took $9,900 from the organization for his 2016 re-election campaign.) Loesch, meanwhile, deflected questions and at times resorted to conspiracy theories, citing the Puckle gun and the Belton flintlick gun as evidence that semi-automatic rifles existed during the passage of the Second Amendment. The Belton gun never actually existed. The Puckle gun required a crew to operate it, and it never entered mass production.

Loesch and Broward County Sheriff Scott Israel also repeatedly blamed people with mental illness for the United States’s disproportionately high rate of mass shootings. Loesch decried the “mentally unfit” and Israel argued for expanded police power to involuntarily commit people with mental illness. Gun rights advocates have found their scapegoat, but fortunately for all of us, Parkland isn’t buying it.

February 21, 2018

Alex Wong/Getty Images

Pennsylvania Republicans are inching toward a constitutional crisis.

A growing number of GOP officials in the Keystone State are calling for the impeachment of five justices on the Pennsylvania Supreme Court who struck down the state’s congressional districts for unconstitutional partisan gerrymandering. Those calls intensified after the court issued a new map on Monday that reduces Republicans’ advantage in races for the U.S. House of Representatives. The U.S. Supreme Court declined to intervene in the case last week.

State Representative Cris Dush began circulating a letter among colleagues calling for the Pennsylvania judge’s removal shortly after their decision. U.S. Representative Ryan Costello, who represents the state’s Sixth Congressional District, endorsed removing the justices for what he described as a “politically corrupt process.” Other Republicans are planning a lawsuit in federal court, which has the backing of President Donald Trump.

U.S. Senator Pat Toomey told reporters on Wednesday that impeachment is “a conversation that has to happen” among state lawmakers. “I think state house members, state senators, are going to be speaking among themselves and their constituents, and the fundamental question is, does this blatant, unconstitutional, partisan power grab that undermines our electoral process—does that rise to the level of impeachment?” he asked.

Pennsylvania Supreme Court justices are elected to ten-year terms, and can be reelected for another ten-year term. All five of the justices in the gerrymandering majority ran as Democrats. Pennsylvania’s House of Representatives holds the power to impeach judges, whom the state Senate could then vote to remove by a two-thirds vote. Both chambers are controlled by Republicans, while Governor Tom Wolf is a Democrat.

Impeaching judges for misconduct isn’t unheard of at the state level or in the lower federal courts. But Pennsylvania’s Republican lawmakers are proposing something much different. Removing judges purely on the basis of an adverse legal decision would be a grave breach of the principle of judicial independence, which helps form the bedrock of the American rule of law.

Tasos Katopodis/Stringer/Getty

Donald Trump wants to know why Obama didn’t do more about Russian meddling. He should ask Mitch McConnell.

In the aftermath of Robert Mueller indicting 13 Russian nationals for intervening in the 2016 election, Trump has hit on a new defense: Actually, it’s all Obama’s fault.

The argument, such as it is, goes like this: Russian meddling occurred in 2016. Barack Obama was president in 2016. Therefore, it’s Obama’s fault that Russia interfered in the election.

There are a number of flaws with this reasoning. For one, there is a substantial body of evidence that, at the very least, the Trump campaign played footsie with Russian operatives during the 2016 election. It also suggests that Trump has been tougher on Russia than Obama was, a claim for which there is no evidence.

But the biggest problem is that Obama tried to do something about Russian meddling but was blocked by Mitch McConnell. Last year, The Washington Post reported that McConnell “voiced skepticism” when presented with intelligence by the FBI suggesting that Russia was trying to undermine Hillary Clinton’s 2016 campaign. Because of McConnell’s intransigence, the Obama administration decided not to go public with the information, fearing that it would just lead to a partisan squabble and accusations that it was trying to influence the election on Clinton’s behalf. (That said, it’s unclear whether the Obama administration would have intervened if it thought that Clinton losing was a serious possibility.)

The Obama administration could have done more to publicize Russian interference in the 2016 election, sure. But it failed to act because of partisan pressure from Republicans.

Keystone/Getty Images

Billy Graham, dead at age 99, transformed American Christianity and the Republican Party.

Graham passed away at his Montreat, North Carolina, home on Wednesday morning. Arguably the most important evangelist in American history, he applied a Southern preacher’s earnest demeanor to the eternal Christian project of winning souls. As NPR reported on Wednesday:

His influence as a moral and spiritual leader in 20th century America was such that one historian said Billy Graham could confer “acceptability on wars, shame on racial prejudice, desirability on decency, dishonor on indecency, and prestige on civic events.”

His Crusades, which began as modest tent revival services, earned him both a loyal following and disdain from some of his peers in the faith. The latter was because Graham was no theologian, and held only a bachelor’s degree in anthropology from Wheaton College in Illinois. He further irked fundamentalists by promoting a more open engagement with the secular world—though they differed little on actual doctrine. Graham believed the Bible was God-breathed, or infallible in every respect, and thus should be interpreted in a literal fashion. 

Aside from the Crusades, Graham became best known for his influence on American politics. This did not always go well for him. Despite a record of condemning some forms of racial prejudice, he also appeared on the Nixon Tapes complaining about the Jewish “stranglehold” on the country. He apologized for those remarks in 2002, but they seriously damaged his credibility at the time. And Graham’s work—becoming a counselor to presidents, bringing religion into politics—may have unleashed consequences he did not intend. What “evangelical” means now is not what it meant when Graham began his career. It’s mutated from religious identity to demographic signifier: It increasingly means “white” and “Republican.”

Though Graham reached out to both parties, his emphasis on political engagement helped set the stage for the marriage of evangelicalism to the Republican Party. It is perhaps the greatest irony in Graham’s superlative life that his son, Franklin, is a vituperative, Muslim-hating, gay-bashing reminder that the admixture of Christianity and Republican politics benefited the latter more than the former.