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Inside Washington
Could Jon Husted be Sherrod Brown’s ideal opponent?
We’re taking a look outside of Washington during Congress’s recess, highlighting some of the top battleground House and Senate races. Today, we’re focused on Ohio, where former Senator Sherrod Brown is fighting to represent the state once again in the U.S. Senate.
Brown, who served three Senate terms before losing to Republican Bernie Moreno in 2024, is running against Jon Husted, whom the governor appointed to fill the state’s other Senate seat—the one JD Vance vacated when he was elected vice president that year. Since taking the seat last year, Husted has consistently voted for President Donald Trump’s agenda, repeatedly voting against resolutions that sought to curb the war in Iran.
Husted previously served as Ohio’s lieutenant governor and, before that, Ohio’s secretary of state. Despite this history, “not that many people know who he is in Ohio, to be honest,” said David Cohen, professor of political science at the University of Akron. “Jon Husted is a bit of a mystery to a lot of people.” What they do know about him tends to be negative, Cohen added, citing his “lockstep” votes for Trump’s agenda, contributions from Epstein associate and billionaire Les Wexner (the Husted campaign has pledged to donate them), and his testimony in a corruption case involving the utility company FirstEnergy. Husted testified in March for the defense in the FirstEnergy case, which Cohen called “Ohio’s biggest political scandal in history.” The central allegation of the ongoing case is that FirstEnergy funneled some $60 million to various state GOP politicians to pass a bill favorable to its interests. Husted has not been accused of wrongdoing in the case. His testimony involved a dinner between the then–governor elect and FirstEnergy executives. Before the scandal was public, Husted’s 2017 campaign for governor received support in the form of dark money contributions from FirstEnergy.
Brown’s campaign has emphasized Husted’s role in the FirstEnergy trial, his past campaign contributions from Wexner, and his support for building data centers in Ohio. “It’s a no-lose issue for Democrats,” Cohen explained. “Data centers are universally hated by people on the left and on the right and in the middle.”
Husted’s adherence to Trump’s agenda could be the biggest gift of all for Brown’s campaign. The war in Iran and subsequent cost of living increases are deeply unpopular among voters, and could be enough of a motivator for Democrats to turn out for Brown and independents to push him over the edge. The unpopularity of Trump and his agenda has created “an opportunity that we haven’t seen really for 20 years since 2006, when the Bush administration was struggling so badly in the wake of Katrina and other things,” Cohen said. “I think it’s possible not only [for] Sherrod Brown, but you may see a clean sweep of the statewide Democratic candidates this year.”
Husted and other Ohio Republicans also risk being damaged by the scandal around Representative Max Miller, who is accused of abusing his daughter and ex-wife (who is the daughter of Ohio’s senior senator, Moreno). Miller, who represents Ohio’s 7th congressional district, has persisted with his reelection campaign, despite the allegations. Voters’ distaste for Miller could boost his Democratic challenger Brian Poindexter, as well as Brown, particularly if some Republican voters simply stay home. Husted avoided commenting on Miller’s candidacy until late last week, when he called on Miller to step aside.
But despite the favorable environment, Brown still faces a tight race. Ohio has become redder over the past decade. Trump won the state in all three of his presidential elections. Republicans control all statewide offices, both chambers of the state’s legislature, and the majority of the state’s House delegation. The Cook Political Report rates the race as a toss-up, and polls from June are split, with one showing Husted up three points, another showing Brown up three points, and a third with Brown up four points.
Brown lost to Moreno in 2024 by just 3.6 percentage points. In that race, Brown lost eight counties that he won in 2018: Ashtabula, Erie, Lake, Mahoning, Ottawa, Portage, Trumbull, and Wood. All eyes will be on those northern counties this November. In 2024, Brown was plagued by negative ads that attacked him for his support for transgender people. He also struggled to maintain distance from Kamala Harris, who was running at the top of the ticket. Ultimately, Brown received 120,000 more votes than Harris did in 2024, outperforming her by over seven percentage points.
Experts expect Brown to handily win the state’s blue urban areas. But he’ll need to shrink Husted’s margins in the red suburban and rural parts of the state, too. Suburban areas, home to about half of the state’s population, tend to have lots of independent voters, who Cohen says “are just kind of ripe for capture by Sherrod Brown and by Democrats in general” in 2026. The task isn’t necessarily to win these counties outright, but rather to siphon enough votes away from Husted in these crucial districts to carry the state as a whole.
—Emma Janssen
Outside Washington
Wisconsin’s Francesca Hong may have gotten most of the Democratic gubernatorial headlines this week, but in the Southwest, two other party hopefuls are making unusual pitches to the public as well. In Texas, a central component of gubernatorial candidate Gina Hinojosa’s message, writes the Houston Chronicle’s Jeremy Wallace, is that she’s the only thing standing between America and a near-permanent GOP majority in Congress via gerrymandering and new census counts. (Wallace breaks down the numbers.) In Arizona on Tuesday, Governor Katie Hobbs announced the running mate pick that she’s been teasing for over a week, naming former Republican Mesa Mayor John Giles to her ticket. Giles, an independent now, split with his party in 2021 over a nondiscrimination ordinance intended to protect LGBTQ+ residents and endorsed Kamala Harris for president in 2024. He is also, the Arizona Capitol Times notes, “a member of the typically conservative Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, a religious affiliation he shares with Hobbs’ opponent, Congressman Andy Biggs.”
Is a new, underwater front opening in the data center wars? Maine Public profiles a new proposal to build a “submerged” data center in Passamaquoddy Bay. The idea was famously tested in Microsoft’s Project Natick off the coast of Scotland in a pilot program that hasn’t been active in years; Maine Public notes that “earlier this year, another submerged data center was reportedly deployed in China.” Residents of Eastport, Maine, who worry about damage to the local economy, particularly if the data center heat drives out the lobsters, are having none of it. “Speakers from across the political spectrum lambasted the idea” at a recent gathering, Maine Public reports. One of the more memorable quotes, from Eastport City Manager Brian Schuth: “I have said it’s the equivalent of an idea scrawled on a bar napkin.” Of note: Both chambers of Maine’s state legislature passed a temporary moratorium on data centers larger than 20 megawatts this past spring—a measure spearheaded by state Democrats—only for Democratic Governor Janet Mills to veto. The measure would not have affected Passamaquoddy Bay, though, as the application by developer DeepGreen Western Passage would not meet this threshold.
—Heather Souvaine Horn
The Ideas Factory
Resources for the Future publishes a new working paper from Yanjun “Penny” Liao, Hannah Druckenmiller, and Margaret A. Walls on the urgent topic of how weather extremes are affecting the federal crop insurance program, or FCIP. Unsurprisingly, they write, “farmers respond to adverse weather and yield shocks by increasing insurance participation: a 10 percent yield decline increases insured acreage by approximately 4.9 percent for corn and 3.4 percent for soybeans.” That means that “climate-driven enrollment growth alone is estimated to raise program costs by 4–9 percent for corn and soybeans by midcentury.” On the bright side, they also find that “FCIP enrollment substantially mitigates the adverse effects of extreme heat on rural labor markets and generates positive spillovers to nontradable sectors, such as retail, hospitality, and health care.”
Illinois’s new law allowing Uber drivers to unionize, David Madland writes at the Center for American Progress, joins similar policies in Massachusetts, California, and Minnesota in showing the strengths of so-called sectoral bargaining for a “difficult-to-organize, ‘fissured’ industry with a dispersed workforce, such as rideshare.” This isn’t a fringe issue, Madland notes in a new article: “Around 1 million workers would gain union coverage if the approximately 70,000 rideshare drivers in Massachusetts, 800,000 in California, and 100,000 in Illinois can reach collective bargaining agreements with rideshare companies. That would mark a major shift for workers and unions, reversing approximately 20 years of gradual decline in private sector bargaining coverage.”
—Heather Souvaine Horn
In Closing
Book of the Week: What Happened to Liberal Democracy? by Daron Acemoglu
THE GIST: Acemoglu, a Nobel Prize–winning economist and NYT bestselling author of Why Nations Fail, argues that liberal democracy’s existential crisis stems from structural problems more than cultural ones—and that saving it requires a turn to what he terms “working-class liberalism.”
PRAISE: Thomas Piketty says the book offers a blueprint “for rebuilding Roosevelt-like ‘working-class liberalism,’” while Joel Mokyr, last year’s Nobel laureate in economics, says it’s “essential reading for anyone concerned about politics, power and populism in the twenty-first century.”
CRUISING THE INDEX: What Happened to Liberal Democracy? isn’t just a work of political philosophy—though there are plenty of references to Rousseau and Rawls in its pages. In a sweeping chapter on automation and the rise of the postindustrial society, Acemoglu argues that the U.S. tax code has long incentivized corporations to shed jobs via outsourcing. And he writes incisively about the role of technology and the increasingly insidious role played by artificial intelligence and social media in everyday life.
TNR’S QUICK CRITICAL ASSESSMENT: As the 2026 midterms and the 2028 presidential election draw nearer, the question of how to rebuild from the wreckage of the second Trump administration has only grown more urgent. While Acemoglu takes a global view of liberalism, he offers insight into the questions U.S. Democrats are asking right now—about what went wrong and where we can go from here.
—Alex Shephard
Political Trivia Question of the Day
As the South Carolina GOP Senate primary heads to a runoff: The Palmetto State last elected a Democrat to the Senate back in 1998. Who was that Democrat? (Sign up for The Blue Book to find the answer in tomorrow’s newsletter.)






