Finally, some exciting news for abortion rights supporters.
The first national abortion poll conducted since the November 27th Planned Parenthood shooting in Colorado Springs finds that American support for abortion rights is at a two-year high.
In the AP-GfK poll, 58 percent of Americans think abortion should be legal most or all of the time, up from 51 percent at the beginning of the year. 40 percent of Republicans support legal abortion, compared to 35 percent in January. Democratic support has also spiked up from 69 to 76 percent.
The news couldn’t come soon enough. It’s been a terrible fall for Planned Parenthood, with the release of misleading videos about fetal organ sale, Republican efforts at both state and federal levels to block funding for the organization, and the deadly shooting in Colorado.
The Republican presidential primary is fueling the flames. In a September debate, Carly Fiorina described seeing a video from a Planned Parenthood clinic of an aborted fetus with “its heart beating, its legs kicking” while clinicians tried to keep it alive “to harvest its brain.” That video, of course, does not exist.
Blabbermouth Stephen Miller may have already sabotaged Trump’s next Muslim ban.
The Trump administration has promised to release a new executive order on immigration to replace the one that was stayed by federal courts, which have held that its blanket ban on travelers from seven Muslim-majority nations is unconstitutional. Speaking on Fox News, Miller said the new travel ban would “have the same basic policy outcome” as the previous order, differing only in technical respects.
With those words, Miller may have doomed the new order to the same fate as its predecessor, since a court challenge could easily argue that it has all the same legal problems. As the ACLU tweeted:
The first executive order was itself hurt in the courts because former New York Mayor Rudy Giuliani boasted he had helped craft it with the intent of banning Muslims. The Trump administration’s problem is not only that it wants to do bad things, but that its officials, like Bond villains, can’t keep their big mouths shut about their schemes.
Paul Ryan doesn’t understand his own definition of freedom.
In his latest effort to make the Republican case for ending the Affordable Care Act, the speaker of the House tweeted this:
The glaring problem here is the “ability to buy” part. Under the old order, far too many people didn’t have the ability to buy insurance in the first place. Or if they could, they were subjected to lifetime coverage limits, no coverage for pre-existing conditions, and any number of other personal barriers and restrictions.
And since Obamacare’s major accomplishment was to counter those forces, and thus enable people to get health insurance, that in turn opened up whole new areas of personal freedom: the ability to take risks and get new jobs, or start new businesses, and or simply have a sense of security and peace of mind.
So how exactly would it be a victory for “freedom” to pull out the rug from those who can finally buy health insurance?
Betsy DeVos tried to do something good, so of course Donald Trump overruled her.
Against the education secretary’s objections, the administration is moving to reverse the Obama administration’s federal guidelines last year allowing students to use bathrooms corresponding with their gender identities.
“[Attorney General Jeff] Sessions, who strongly opposes expanding gay, lesbian and transgender rights, fought Ms. DeVos on the issue and pressed her to relent because he could not go forward without her consent. The order must come from the Justice and Education Departments,”The New York Times reported Wednesday. “DeVos, faced with the choice of resigning or defying the president, has agreed to go along.”
White House Press Secretary Sean Spicer addressed the topic at Tuesday’s briefing, telling reporters, “I think that all you have to do is look at what the president’s view has been for a long time—that this is not something that the federal government should be involved in, this is a states’ rights issue.”
Keith Ellison just got the worst endorsement possible.
This morning, Howard Dean endorsed Pete Buttigieg for DNC chair on Morning Joe, a segment that Trump surely watched during his allotted TV time. A few hours later, he weighed in on the race:
Back in July 2015, in an appearance on ABC, Ellison urged Democrats to “get ready” for the possibility that Trump would clinch the Republican nomination, which was vigorously laughed down by George Stephanopoulos and Maggie Haberman.
On the one hand, getting a shoutout from Trump is not great for anyone in the DNC race. And we can’t neglect to note Trump’s child-like inability to not make everything about big boy Trump. (Ellison fired back on Twitter with an appropriate response.)
But, on the other hand, Trump is actually pointing out something truly positive about Ellison—that unlike most Democrats, he grasped the threat of Trump’s presidency and gauged the sentiment of the country early on. It’s an instinct that is well-suited for someone who wants to head the DNC. In the most self-congratulatory way possible, it seems that Trump has accidentally made a good point.
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WELL, YESTERDAY didn’t go too badly. President Donald Trump went to the African-American History museum, where he disavowed racism and spoke out against a new wave of anti-Semitism. He didn’t tweet his thoughts until 6:23 p.m., when he said the “so-called angry crowds” at town halls around the country were “planned out by liberal activists.” There were no massive blowups to speak of. Sean Spicer seemed spry during his press briefing, too.
Is this the low bar we’ve reached? After the administration All-Lives-Matter’ed the Holocaust, Trump condemning anti-Semitism in a monotone voice counts as a comparatively good day. (The Times, to its credit, contextualized the remark by declaring it a “first.”) As for any praise of Sean Spicer being “spry,” this was the same day in which he pushed back against the Anne Frank Center: “I wish that they had praised the president for his leadership in this area.”
These rowdy town halls are really getting under Donald Trump’s skin.
The president last night embraced the GOP’s message for voters who are angry about the party’s plan to dismantle the Affordable Care Act: The popular outrage is artificial.
Mitch McConnell similarly brushed off the protesters by declaring they “did not like the results of the election,” and that “winners make policy and the losers go home.” This was an attitude starkly absent from McConnell’s approach in the Obama years, when he very early on spearheaded a strategy of mass GOP opposition.
Iowa Senator Chuck Grassley—who infamously said in 2009 that health care reform would have government “decide when to pull the plug on grandma”—saw that kind of talk come right back around. As a constituent told him: “With all due respect, sir, you’re the man that talked about the death panel. We’re gonna create one big death panel in this country—the people who can’t afford to get insurance.”
Elsewhere in Iowa, Senator Joni Ernst faced a hostile crowd, which booed loudly when she left the forum:
And Rep. Dave Brat (R-VA), who became a living symbol of Tea Party uprisings when he defeated former House Majority Leader Eric Cantor in the Republican primary back in 2014, got his own taste of the new wave of liberal political resistance:
Milo Yiannopoulos’s pedophilia scandal has given rise to this weird new parlor game!
Concerned that his defense of adults who have sexual relationships with 13-year-old children might detract from his employer’s core mission of publishing racist agitprop, Milo resigned from Breitbart on Tuesday, just 24 hours after CPAC dumped him as a keynote speaker and Simon & Schuster canceled publication of his book.
His long overdue ejection from polite society has people wondering whether he will eventually repent (or simply disappear for a long time) ahead of a second act in public life.
Here are the best stabs at what that second act might look like.
2. Dancing with the Stars
3. President and CEO of Media Matters for America.
None of these outcomes would be defensible on their own terms, but might be worth it for humankind considering the plausible alternative where he becomes Donald Trump’s third or fourth national security adviser.
That women don’t need men. That all men are potential rapists. That women should aspire to something other than motherhood or they are wasting their lives. That women should like casual sex with strangers, hooking up just for the sake of the orgasm. That the children will be fine if their parents divorce. That abortion is morally good.
Elsewhere, Brown describes Yiannopolis’s message and its supposed impact:
“Gender roles work,” [Yiannopoulis] told them. “Feminism is cancer. Abortion is murder.” And the young women and men cheered for him, because they loved him for telling the truth.
Yiannopoulis has been accused of a form of “gay minstrelsy” in which he performs parts of stereotypical gayness in such a way that he shores up the beliefs of the hard American right. In the post, Brown appears to applaud him for just these traits:
The young man was an unexpected messenger. He talked all the time about having sex with other men. About wanting to be penetrated by black dicks. About how good he was at giving head. But he told the young women they were right to want babies and the young men they were right to want wives.
Professor Jeffrey Jerome Cohen of George Washington University tweeted a screengrab from Brown’s Facebook page earlier today, in which she compares Yiannopoulis’s cancelled book contract to the crucifixion of Jesus:
As Cohen and other medievalists (including myself) have observed, strong veins of conservatism run through the field. Despite the efforts of scholars like Suzanne ConklinAkbari and Geraldine Heng, contemporary white supremacists and gender traditionalists sometimes look to an imagined version of the Middle Ages for a “purer” time, when (they imagine) sexual, racial, and theological identities were simpler.
The New Republic contacted the chair of the University of Chicago history faculty Emilio Kourí to ask whether Brown’s blog post, which can be reached through her faculty page, could be considered part of her body of scholarship. Kourí responded that Brown is “entitled to express her opinions and to publish them,” explaining that “blogs are not part of any performance or promotion reviews in the History Department.”
Indeed, blogs are “by and large not scholarship and are not regarded as such,” in Kourí’s view.
This view defines scholarship very narrowly: An increasing number of academics engage with the media outside peer review, and it is certainly arguable that a scholar’s broader presence in the culture informs their intellectual identity. Young academics are encouraged to build a visible online presence when they are seeking jobs. Brown is tenured so she can do whatever she wants. I cannot imagine a new PhD feeling entitled to use the language Professor Brown does at her site.
Exploiting the full freedom conferred upon her by tenure, Brown ended her blog post with an italicized line, reading, “Shame on all of you. You spineless cunts. The bullies are YOU.”
Trump’s ascension to the presidency after years of suggesting vaccinations are unsafe, as well as his associations with the likes of Andrew Wakefield and Robert Kennedy Jr., have helped to bring a truly dangerous conspiracy theory into real influence. And this ideology is spreading to the states, too.
The Washington Post reports on a growing movement of anti-vaxxers in Texas, and an increase in personal exemptions in recent years. Jackie Schlegel, executive director of Texans for Vaccine Choice, told the Post: “We have 30 champions in that statehouse. Last session, we had two.”
Yet, already this year, states and communities around the country have reported outbreaks of measles, mumps, and whooping cough. The reasons for each outbreak vary, but we know that there are increasing trends around the country that have led to lower vaccination rates in some communities, allowing outbreaks of infectious diseases to take hold with increasing frequency.
While anti-vaxxers exist on both the hippie left and the black-helicopter right, the key difference is that liberals have never put an anti-vaxxer into a position of power. Conservatives have now done it—and many children and other vulnerable people will have to pay a price for that.
But he still failed this most basic test of western democratic leadership.
“Anti-Semitism is horrible and it’s going to stop and it has to stop,” he told MSNBC, before issuing a better-prepared statement from the Smithsonian’s National Museum of African American History and Culture. “This tour was a meaningful reminder of why we have to fight bigotry, intolerance and hatred in all of its very ugly forms,” Trump said. “The anti-Semitic threats targeting our Jewish community and community centers are horrible and are painful and a very sad reminder of the work that still must be done to root out hate and prejudice and evil.”
Absent from either condemnation was any suggestion that federal law enforcement resources will be used to investigate these crimes. And when he spoke extemporaneously about the issue, he did so with the same “I alone can fix it” monomania that defined his campaign. His authority and power are in his mind the key agents of every human drama, even ones whose main antagonists going back centuries have been authoritarians.