Presidents don’t just wield power directly; they set the mood for the country. It’s not uncommon for their grassroots base to flourish under their administration, as the far right did during Donald Trump’s first term in office.
It is less common, however, for that base to remain strong after defeat. But, defying the odds, the MAGA movement continued to flourish under Joe Biden. Now, with Trump returning to the White House, the far-right grass roots is barreling into 2025 with plenty of momentum, while its leader both helps set its agenda and sustains it by crowd-sourcing its conspiracies and lies for his own use.
Issues and Themes
The far right is currently animated by several themes, many of them interrelated. For several years, demonizing “DEI” (diversity, equity and inclusion) frameworks—which focus on identities, racial and otherwise—was an obsession. But the far right has gradually replaced DEI with “woke,” a vaguer and broader idea that can refer to the vast majority of left-leaning positions and be applied to any number of hot-button, culture-war topics.
The backlash over gender, sexuality, and reproductive rights continues, with trans issues front and center. After Roe v. Wade was struck down in 2022, attacks on abortion rights increased. And when Trump was reelected, the slogan “Your Body, My Choice” spread like wildfire after being embraced by far-right leaders like Nick Fuentes.
Anti-immigrant rhetoric has also increased, particularly as Trump has promised to deport tens of millions. His racist vilification of immigrants was epitomized by his embrace of unfounded rumors that Haitians in Springfield, Ohio—who were, for what it’s worth, legal residents—were stealing and eating pets.
Finally, completely discredited “race science” theories have returned, often focusing on bogus IQ studies. Elon Musk, the world’s richest man, has promoted them on his social media platform, X, as has Trump, who has blamed violence by immigrants on “bad genes.”
Donald Trump
Donald Trump has different faces: the tax-cutting businessman, the international negotiator—and the authoritarian strongman. Sometimes he embraces different approaches at different times; mostly, though, he is everything at once: a demagogue and a xenophobe who is committing to cutting taxes for corporations and the wealthy and who pitches himself as the only man who can keep the country—and the world—safe.
Campaign promises have included setting up deportation camps for undocumented immigrants—in what he said would be a “bloody story”—and arresting critics and opponents, including Kamala Harris, Mark Zuckerberg, and members of the January 6 House committee. Trump also said he’d consider banning vaccines and claims to have the power to halt congressional budget allocations.
His appointments have also been gifts to his far-right base. The start of Trump’s first term was largely characterized by a raft of relatively moderate, establishment-favorite picks, like Secretary of State Rex Tillerson, Treasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin, and chief of staff Reince Preibus. Now the situation is quite different. Stalwart MAGA Congressman Matt Gaetz was initially tapped to be attorney general, until accusations of sex with underage girls quickly sunk him. Tulsi Gabbard, a sympathizer to dictatorships in Syria and Russia, was picked as his director of national intelligence. Arguably the most infamous selection was the appointment of Musk to a proposed advisory commission, DOGE (a reference to a dated internet meme, it stands for the Department of Government Efficiency). Musk himself has repeatedly tweeted support for anti-immigrant conspiracy theories and most recently for the Alternative for Germany, or AfD, a far-right party many consider crypto-Nazis.
The Far-Right Base
The far right has two wings. One is openly white supremacist, and is vocally opposed to groups like people of color, Jews, Muslims, and LGBTQ+ people. The other is more moderate in its beliefs; people of color—themselves an increasing part of Trump’s base—are welcome, as are Jews. Both wings overlap in their hatred of “communism” (also a catchall term for anything to the left of them), embrace of conspiracy theories, contempt for democracy, and desire for traditional social hierarchies.
The white supremacists and their moderate cousins often seesaw in popularity, one rising as the other falls. In recent years, the moderates have swung high. Moms for Liberty, which has focused on banning school library books—especially ones with LGBTQ+ content but also books with pro-diversity or antiracist messages—started 2024 with almost 300 chapters. But their influence waned as the year went on.
The notoriously violent Proud Boys, who played an important role in storming the Capitol four years ago, have faced even tougher times. With their leader, Enrique Tarrio, serving a 22-year sentence for his role in the assault on the Capitol, their scattered chapters now lack cohesion and focus.
One exception is the armed militia movement, which is having a mild revival. Hurt by a massive Facebook deplatforming in 2020, these groups, as Tess Owen recently observed, “have been quietly reorganizing, ramping up recruitment and rhetoric” in recent months. Some groups hope to help Trump’s deportation scheme.
Conversely, open white supremacists are doing quite well. Active Clubs—white supremacist mixed martial arts training gyms—are in full flourish and have even expanded overseas. While they’ve had limited public activism, observers worry they could soon transform into a fully fledged fighting force.
A new wave of swastika-waving neo-Nazis has emerged too. The media-friendly Blood Tribe, who use striking aesthetics and a confrontational approach, were early promoters of the pet-eating rumor. A Columbus, Ohio, march by their splinter group Hate Club 1488 grabbed so much attention that even President Biden denounced it.
Blood Tribe was only one of three groups that descended on Nashville, Tennessee, this year for public events. They were joined by the antisemitic Goyim Defense League, who spent two weeks harassing local residents, as well as Patriot Front, one of the largest U.S. fascist groups. All three groups represent a new, flourishing neo-Nazi movement—one that will likely continue to grow during Trump’s second term.
Lawsuits
One of the most effective strategies against the far right has been lawsuits. One popular conspiracy theory falsely claimed Georgia election workers Ruby Freeman and Shaye Moss illegally counted ballots in the 2020 election. The two women sued former New York City Mayor Rudy Giuliani for spreading this and won $148 million, which they spent 2024 trying to collect. A similar suit against The Gateway Pundit website was settled out of court. Giuliani, meanwhile, has loudly and repeatedly complained that he is “broke” and “can’t buy food.”
Conspiracy theorist Alex Jones’s Infowars media empire, found liable for claiming the Sandy Hook school shooting was fake, is also up for grabs after Jones was ordered to pay $1.5 billion to the victims’ families. In November, Infowars was put to auction, which the satirical website The Onion won (although the purchase was later nullified). VDARE, a white supremacist anti-immigration project influential on the first Trump administration, had to suspend operations after being fined for refusing to comply with a subpoena. Even with Trump in office, such lawsuits will likely continue to be potent tools against both far-right groups and conspiracy theorists.
Arrests
A number of members of prominent white supremacist and neo-Nazi groups were arrested in 2024. Two Terrorgram Collective members, who helped run several neo-Nazi Telegram channels, were arrested for soliciting the murder of federal officials. A Maniac Murder Cult leader was arrested for planning a mass casualty attack. And Nick Fuentes, whose Groyper movement has an impressive influence on mainstream Republicans, was charged with misdemeanor battery after pepper-spraying a woman who rang his doorbell.
Arrests from past high-profile incidents also continue. Over the past year, several members of the infamous 2017 tiki-torch march in Charlottesville, Virginia, were arrested—as were a number of Republican “fake electors” from the 2020 election.
The highest-profile arrests and sentences, however, have been related to the January 6, 2021, assault on the U.S. Capitol. Around 300 new people were charged in 2024 (out of a grand total of 1,600); half of these were for “assaulting or impeding law enforcement.” Those sentenced include Taylor Johnatakis, who received seven years, and Proud Boy Marc Bru, who got five. Not forgetting his followers, Trump has promised to pardon some or all of these prisoners.
Every day Trump makes more wild claims about what he intends to do. Regardless of what happens, these prisoners are red meat to his base, who see them as “political prisoners” who were arrested for trying to correct an injustice. Pardons for the leaders of violent groups, such as the Proud Boys’ Tarrio, will undoubtedly result in their groups’ revival. It will also signal Trump’s approval of street violence, potentially reviving the mass street brawls with antifascists during Trump’s first term, such as those seen in Portland, Oregon.
As far-right grass roots remain mobilized, the next four years will likely be an environment where individuals and groups can be fully activated and function as Trump’s foot soldiers—legally or otherwise.
