With its razor-thin margins in Congress and an aging caucus, why isn’t the party acting with more urgency to protect voting rights from Republican assault?

For lawmakers who want to pay lip service to policies they don’t actually want to enact, the Senate’s Jim Crow relic provides a convenient alibi.

A bill to expand the Supreme Court to 13 justices seems motivated by political revenge, not sensible judicial reform.

Biden’s plan would allocate billions to transportation and manufacturing. But will it also do what’s necessary to build back the country’s unions?

Democrats will either make a grand bargain with Republicans or go it alone. Either way, a long-running joke in Washington may finally die.

Sloppy language might imperil the president’s landmark law—and future legislative and administrative reforms, too.

Biden has only months to enact change, and his legacy will be defined by whether he saved voting rights from Republican assault.

The only thing that will save the GOP’s preferred procedural weapon is the charity—or the naïveté—of Democrats.

He warned of a “scorched-earth Senate” if Democrats kill the filibuster. But that future is already here—thanks largely to him.

Is the West Virginia lawmaker peddling false hope by suggesting he’s open to filibuster reform?

They want to talk about Mr. Potato Head—and that’s been a good thing for the political media.

The failure to pass a background checks bill exposes just how little bipartisanship matters.

Not Republicans. Not the Senate parliamentarian. Joe Manchin, Kyrsten Sinema, and even Joe Biden are to blame for squandering their party’s majority power.

The Arizona senator is almost single-handedly keeping Democrats from wielding their majority power—and the party may well lose that power as a result.

The would-be maverick Democrat is trying to sink the minimum wage hike. Her threats are emptier than they seem.

Blue Dogs are selectively anxious about when their policies might benefit the wealthy, and their obsession with means testing is going to leave people out to dry in a crisis.

The wild variety of grassroots organizers hoping to give the nudge to the senator all agree on one thing: The old ways won’t work.

The Democratic senator has survived in West Virginia by casting himself as a champion of working people. Will his fixation on bipartisanship prevent him from living up to the role?

How to make the Senate functional without forcing Kyrsten Sinema and Joe Manchin to go back on their word

The West Virginia senator was cozy with Trump for political reasons. But he’s less of an obstacle to an ambitious agenda than an organized gang of Senate moderates.